יום שלישי, 26 באוגוסט 2025

On the Decision-Making Process in Teacher Education – Teaching Certificate Seminar

 

On the Decision-Making Process in Teacher Education – Teaching Certificate Seminar



In this paper I wish to examine the connection between professionals’ decision-making processes and the way they are trained. The focus, of course, is on teacher education and teachers’ decision making, but the same dynamic exists in many professions. Teacher education offers a relatively clear view of decision making both when observing veteran teachers during the practicum and when watching peers as they try their hand at teaching a class.

Decision making is something every person undergoes in daily life as well as in professional life. It requires knowledge of the options a given situation presents, and that knowledge is acquired through broad prior experience which allows us to make the right choice. When a teacher must decide how to handle a particular situation in class—both in terms of classroom management and in terms of presenting the content to be taught—they draw on pedagogical knowledge accumulated over time to create a climate that supports learning, and they try to flex the planned lesson in light of the immediate classroom reality. A new teacher comes to the classroom with extensive theoretical knowledge of different teaching methods but lacks the practical experience to choose which method fits which situation. A novice teacher’s decision making resembles trial and error more than the measured process characteristic of a veteran teacher. Over time, each teacher builds a personal repertoire of teaching strategies that work for them, and that repertoire becomes the basis for quick and sound in-class decisions.

The tools provided to teachers during their training aim to prepare them for a wide range of problems they will face in class, in school, and within the education system at large. These tools come from a variety of disciplines and are adapted to the field of education. They cover many topics and are meant to help the beginning teacher understand the different layers of the teacher’s role. The teacher functions as a kind of mediator between the educational system to which they belong and the students in front of them. On the one hand they must be faithful to the general curriculum dictated by the system; on the other hand they bear responsibility toward the students. Both layers run through all the topics taught in teacher education. With these tools, the teacher can address problems that arise in class and grasp the different factors that generate them. The decisions a teacher must make in a given situation depend on the knowledge they acquired through these tools.

This paper seeks to clarify the essential difference between the decision-making processes of the veteran and the novice teacher. What knowledge does a teacher acquire over the years that allows them to teach smoothly and effectively? Can that knowledge be transmitted without trial-and-error processes during teacher education? I will present research that addresses precisely this problem alongside theories that frame the issue, and I will examine it through the lens of the training process I underwent with my peers. The study is qualitative and reflective, written from a personal point of view. From this perspective, I hope to arrive at critical conclusions that will offer a clear picture of the training process, with particular focus on decision making.

Methodology

The research was conducted through my own experience of teacher education this year, conversations I held with fellow trainees, and analysis of the tools and topics covered in various courses. As part of the program I also completed a practicum at Municipal High School E (Ironi Heh). In light of this practicum I describe and analyze several events that occurred during observations and while teaching lessons there. These observations are part of the study, as I examine them against the tools I acquired and the ways I used those tools during the practicum. The idea behind this methodology is to reconstruct the decision-making processes operating behind the events described in the observations, using post-event conversations with peers and my own reflection. All this is done in relation to the various tools I acquired and how they help me understand each event.

This is not a quantitative study: there are no empirical or statistical data through which I analyze decision making. Rather, from the personal experience of training, I consider how I perceive the acquisition of knowledge in the program and how my peers describe what we are going through. Reflection is the research tool I employ, but it is also the theoretical tool on which I base the paper’s body of knowledge. Reflection is one of the key components enabling decision making. The process of weighing a decision and analyzing the data that lead to choosing a particular option is accompanied by reflection.

Reflection is a—often critical—thinking process intended to analyze a specific situation or event. In this paper I use reflection on reflections that I or others made while making in-class decisions. The word “reflection” has two related but essentially different meanings: reflection about an event, decision, or thought that took place in the past; and reflection that occurs during the event, decision, or thought itself. The chronological difference is clear: the first is retrospective, the second is an attempt to activate reflection speculatively in real time in order to decide on the next action. Reflection-in-action is akin to the unfolding stream of thought in a person’s mind as they act. In teaching, the teacher examines their steps during the lesson and, based on student responses, tries to adjust the lesson on the fly. The teacher chooses alternative paths during the lesson to make it more engaging or to convey the topic more effectively.

Donald Schön[1] is one of the scholars who deal with this subject. In his book he distinguishes between two kinds of reflection: reflection-in-action and reflection-on-action. He first defines a special kind of knowledge, knowledge-in-action, and when we use it to make decisions based on what we have learned, he calls it knowing-in-action. This is not a concrete, transferable body of knowledge but a practical knowing that can be enacted in the midst of action. Schön argues that these concepts are essential to all fields involving professionalization. The knowledge acquired during professional training is the knowledge that serves us in reflection-in-action. It is knowledge we cannot fully articulate, but we can perform it—like the difficulty of explaining in words how to ride a bicycle: the doing is simple, the explanation resists language.

Schön describes professional training as shaping precisely this body of knowledge. By “training” he refers to the apprenticeship or practicum that many professionals—including teachers—undergo. Training is the trainee’s period of practice. The trainee arrives with theoretical knowledge about the profession, and now must use that knowledge to practice the craft. A teacher comes to practicum with theoretical knowledge about how a lesson runs and what the teacher’s role is, but only standing in front of a class can they put accumulated knowledge to use. The practicum places the trainee in situations that demand decisions based on what they know. Decision making for the trainee means consulting the theoretical tools they acquired while reflecting on the situation and determining which tool will best serve the task at hand. The teacher’s task is to bring students to a state of interest in learning, and once their attention is secured, to teach them.

“He reflects on the phenomena before him, and on the prior understandings which have been implicit in his behaviour. He carries out an experiment which serves to generate both a new understanding of the phenomena and a change in the situation.” (Schön, 1983, p. 68)[1]

Schön portrays the reflection that accompanies decision making as a kind of inquiry. The teacher undergoing training functions, in effect, as a researcher in the pedagogical field. Reflection enables them to think of new and creative solutions unconstrained by mere professional routines. Training does not offer an automatic script telling the teacher how to act in a given situation; it requires judgment in choosing the right tool to address the circumstance. Reflection allows the teacher to examine the assumptions on which they have based their behavior, to study the phenomenon, and to try out a solution that is new to them—like an experiment. The attempt yields new understandings of the situation and changes the situation itself. In this, the teacher’s training parallels a research process.

Reflection-in-action is the phenomenon I am trying to explore in this paper. It cannot be studied in isolation; it always appears in response to a dynamic situation that calls for change. Reflection operates like an internal dialogue in which the teacher asks themself: Am I acting rightly? Is there another way to act? Why did I act in this way? The dialogue allows the teacher to critique their own actions and affords a second view of the situation and how it might be improved or altered.

Decision making is the process of weighing options against each other with the goal of choosing the one best suited to the situation that prompted the decision. Imagine a teacher teaching a class who, picking up on hints from students (glances or body language), realizes they are not getting the material across. Now the teacher must change the lesson—choose a new path to draw students back in. The choice depends on the specific situation: every class is different, composed of a unique mix of students; the teacher must find a solution that unites them and enables learning. The teacher examines, according to their knowledge and skills, the possible approaches and tries to grasp the students’ stance toward the teacher, toward one another, and the teacher’s response to the students. When all these elements are brought to awareness, we are in fact engaging in reflection, which leads to a decision that guides action. Of course, this does not make us immune to mistakes: a carefully chosen decision can prove to be wrong despite thoughtful consideration, and we may have omitted a relevant detail when “computing” the data. One role of training is to narrow the options so as to reach decisions more quickly and efficiently. Here reflection-on-action—retrospective reflection—comes into play: in-action decisions are shaped by conclusions drawn from prior reflection on similar events.

Donald Freeman[2] is another scholar who has written on decision making, especially in education and particularly in teaching English as a foreign language. In his article, Freeman proposes a model for understanding teachers’ decision making. The model comprises four components: Knowledge—the teacher’s knowledge of the subject matter, the students, and the class level; Skills—what the teacher can do, such as presenting a topic or answering questions; Attitude—how the teacher behaves toward students, how students respond to that behavior, and how the teacher responds in turn; and Awareness—the degree of attention given to a particular event. These three—knowledge, skills, and attitude—form the basic mechanism of decision making, and they are integrated through the fourth component, awareness. When an event draws the teacher’s attention, it rises to awareness and is processed through each of the three components; after being examined within each, a decision is reached about how to handle the event. Together, the four components describe how thinking operates during teaching. Awareness arouses and monitors the attention paid to knowledge, skills, and attitude. Reduced attention to any of the components can result in lower quality teaching; balanced awareness that seeks a solution attentive to all three will yield better teaching.

The four components offer a static picture of the teacher’s role. A fifth component that introduces a dynamic picture is decision making itself: using and combining the four components. In fact, “awareness” is reflection-in-action. When awareness mobilizes knowledge, skills, and attitude in order to decide, it is performing reflection: analyzing an event in real time through those components.



Freeman then turns to teacher education, which he divides into two facets: training and development. Training typically involves two people—the novice teacher and a mentor, often a veteran teacher. The novice consults the mentor, shares dilemmas about decisions made, and the mentor takes an active role by observing lessons and offering feedback. The purpose of training is to improve the teacher’s decision-making capacity. Freeman distributes the four components across the two facets of preparation: training focuses on knowledge and skills—components whose development the mentor can directly observe, suggest strategies for, and assess in the classroom. Development, by contrast, focuses on attitude and awareness—components that are not directly visible; to gauge their growth one must elicit reflection from the novice about specific events to understand what has changed. The mentor must draw the novice’s attention to situations they may not have noticed and help refine their stance toward lessons and students. Training’s components (knowledge and skills) are external and observable, and the process can “end” once the novice can handle various situations using the acquired knowledge and skills. Development, on the other hand, is internal and personal; it likely never ends, as teachers continue to grow in awareness and refine their attitudes throughout their careers. As Lortie (1975) puts it:

“Teachers are largely self-made; the internalization of common knowledge plays only a limited part in their movement to work responsibly.” (p. 80)[2]

Freeman concludes by citing Lortie: what turns a novice into a more expert teacher is not merely the knowledge acquired or a set of special skills, but the ability to adapt one’s attitude to different situations and to expand one’s awareness of what is happening in the classroom. Decision making—guided by the teacher’s awareness—is the most crucial capacity a teacher must develop to become more experienced.

Delores Westerman (Westerman) is another researcher who studies teachers’ decision making, particularly the novice–expert contrast. In her study she compares the decision-making processes of veteran and beginning teachers. Data were collected in four stages and included two groups—veterans and novices. Both groups were interviewed shortly before a lesson; the lessons were videotaped; shortly after, each teacher watched their video while being interviewed about in-lesson decisions; later they answered additional questions about the lesson; and after some time they watched the video again, this time muted, while explaining what was happening. These stages align with the study’s basic assumption that decision making comprises three phases: before action, during action, and after action. Pre-action decision making anticipates problems that may arise and plans the lesson to allow solutions. In-action decision making requires quick choices in response to evolving classroom situations. Post-action decision making resembles drawing lessons from the event to prepare for future teaching. The research design supports analysis of each phase for both novice and veteran groups.

Westerman’s study yields several conclusions about differences in the thinking of veterans and novices. In pre-lesson decisions, imagination plays a crucial role: teachers must envision likely student responses to particular topics or prompts. Veterans, drawing on experience and knowledge of students, can imagine the lesson realistically and anticipate responses; novices struggle to do so and their mental image of the lesson is often unfaithful to reality. During lessons, veterans differ markedly from novices: they can improvise, allowing a student-raised idea to reshape the lesson even if a different plan was prepared. This flexibility and familiarity with their plan enable veterans to deviate productively from it and thereby spark student interest. Novices tend to be less flexible and try to stick to the plan.

Post-lesson decision making, too, echoes the pre-lesson phase: every lesson is an additional experience that helps a teacher more accurately envision the next one. Veterans draw broader lessons from reviewing their teaching because their knowledge contains categories for classifying lesson information and making better decisions for future planning. Novices cannot absorb all the information a lesson provides; they focus on surface events and visible behavioral changes, while missing deeper cues an experienced teacher would detect. Novices must accumulate experience in order to draw fuller conclusions from their lessons.

The study further notes that veteran teachers can identify problems as they arise by reading students’ reactions and body language, locating the source of a problem, and providing a quick, appropriate solution. Veterans have a wide range of instructional strategies and make decisions interactively. They monitor the class, recognize emerging issues, and select responses from schemas they have developed for solving problems. Such schemas allow rapid decisions grounded in past experience with similar issues; each schema contains several options depending on classroom conditions. Veterans develop a sensitivity to classroom climate and, through accurate analysis, can deploy their schemas to resolve problems.

Up to this point I have discussed Schön’s concept of reflection[1], teacher decision making in Freeman’s model[2], and Westerman’s findings comparing veteran and novice teachers[3]. A question emerges: is the novice’s decision-making process the same as the veteran’s? The veteran teacher’s decisions appear rapid and efficient, but they are not inventing new solutions each time. Once particular schemas become standard responses to recurring problems, the veteran no longer makes decisions in the same way a novice does. The novice is building schemas from scratch—still in a trial-and-error phase where every decision is new. It is no wonder veterans can decide more quickly and efficiently: they are choosing among known schemas.

The novice teacher’s training provides theoretical and practical tools for running lessons—what content to teach, how to teach it, and to whom. The practicum includes observing veteran teachers and teaching a small number of lessons, typically one-off sessions with little continuity. These lessons are supervised; the class is affected both by the unfamiliar teacher and the veteran teacher’s presence in the room. The practicum simulation is highly constrained and often accompanied by nerves; its effectiveness is therefore limited. The realities of schools constrain the practicum, and the current format represents a compromise—perhaps the best possible—but still one that cannot equip the trainee with every needed tool. The practicum is accompanied by the delivery of tools and knowledge, but these are broad categories through which the trainee must process experience. Through such categories the novice analyzes the nascent experience and makes decisions. Each decision involves sifting through the mass of knowledge acquired and analyzing the current classroom situation that demands a choice. Each teacher builds their own set of schemas according to the categories learned and the individual skills that helped them solve particular problems with particular decisions. The veteran has already filtered abundant experience through those categories; they are fluent in using them and can predict which decision leads to which outcome. Thus, the veteran can provide correct and efficient solutions, while the novice struggles to find efficient, timely ones. On the other hand, the veteran may operate by routine—combining well-worn skills, knowledge, and practiced decisions—whereas the novice, though slower and less efficient, may generate new solutions and create original schemas, sometimes different from other teachers’. The novice–veteran contrast thus risks a stereotype: the experienced but jaded teacher who operates efficiently yet routinely, versus the fresh, impulsive novice brimming with new ideas. Of course, every veteran was once a novice, and their schemas are the reasoned outcomes of experimentation and inquiry.

The theoretical knowledge acquired during teacher education is rich and varied. Teachers learn across domains related to education and gain practical knowledge for teaching. Theoretical courses include educational psychology (focusing on students’ cognitive abilities, mental states, and ways to address them), sociology of education (the social role of school and teacher historically and today, including demographic data and stratification), and classroom management and teaching methods (examples and explanations of different ways to teach, as well as alternative practices such as games, group work, and simulations). There are also courses about the education system itself—its bureaucracy, politics, and historical development. More specific knowledge covers literacy and the effects of socioeconomic status on literacy levels; learning disabilities and related knowledge; teaching in the internet age, which seeks to bridge generational gaps and equip teachers to use online tools to diversify their pedagogy; and sociological and psychological knowledge about adolescents, the main student population.

Alongside these are courses that blend theory and practice, such as lesson planning (how to design and write lesson plans), content-specific courses—in my case, English as a second language (how second languages are learned and how best to teach them; general issues in language teaching and their historical development). Two additional courses are more practical: subject-specific pedagogy designed to prepare us for the school year (practical ways to teach specific topics in English), and the practicum seminar, which both covered the concrete material we would have to teach and hosted discussions of our weekly experiences at the school.

These courses (specifically in the teaching certificate program at Tel Aviv University) and similar courses in other programs comprise the body of knowledge acquired by the trainee. Each has a critical role in shaping the teacher’s understanding of the craft; theory and practice together create the closest simulation to real teaching. The knowledge will continue to shape teachers as they grow and will serve them in decision making along the way. The practicum is where teachers take the knowledge they acquired and try to turn it into action: entering a (high) school, meeting veteran teachers, observing their lessons, sitting among students and recording impressions. We met students, helped proctor exams, sat in the staff room, and saw how a school runs—from the principal’s morning pep talks to staff gossip in the smoking room. Given one day a week, I feel we absorbed a lot from engaging with the school and staff. I use the plural because I was not alone; the course schedule made one day especially convenient for most students, so we were usually five to seven trainees—more precisely, five women and me, the only male student.

The empirical core of this paper, as noted in the introduction, is a set of events from the practicum year, examples of decision-making situations in which I try to describe the reflective processes operating behind the scenes. These are events I witnessed. Through post-event conversations we analyzed the causes and the thought processes involved.

Our practicum began in November, about two months into the school year. When we arrived, the school was already in full swing with fixed schedules and hurried teachers. The head of English received us, shared the timetable, and told us which teachers we could observe. English usually has more teachers than other subjects, giving trainees more choices of lessons. Following a single civics or Bible teacher all year can become monotonous. We chose to go with teacher L. to her 8th-grade class. When we arrived, some students were waiting in the classroom and some in the corridor (after the bell). As she entered, students started calling out about the museum. It turned out the class was scheduled for a museum trip at nine. Consequently, students had not brought their English books or binders (though they had come to class). The teacher told them an announcement on the school website said there would be an English lesson. Throughout this, we stood by the door waiting for explicit instructions on where to sit. L. declared that the lesson would take place and told us to sit at the back. I confess my initial inner reaction was critical—“how unprofessional”—but L. pulled out handouts and began the lesson as if nothing had happened. She distributed a short text and then grammar exercises. The lesson proceeded flawlessly and, at the end, they went to the museum.

I asked L. what had happened with the website and the museum. She replied: “You can’t rely on computers. If something can go wrong, it will. You always have to be ready. The show must go on.” At first these sounded like clichés, automatic responses. But her answer distilled the essence of decision making. The first part is Murphy’s law—if something can go wrong, it will (especially when humans are involved): human error recurs. L. argued there is always a chance some students, or even all, will arrive without books. The teacher must be ready for any scenario and maintain an unruffled demeanor when things go awry. L. took in the information about missing books and immediately switched to an alternative plan to keep the lesson moving. Her decision-making system operated quickly and efficiently: she had a contingency plan and used it.

L., an experienced teacher, explained simply one of the craft’s secrets: the only thing that must not break is the teacher’s concentration on pulling out the right solution. Over the year I kept noting this phenomenon and tracked how it worked in class. Teachers have prepared responses; they hold an arsenal of phrases and quips they deploy in certain situations. Often the issue is deviation from the plan or a detour into an off-topic thread. In such cases, the teacher must gently steer the lesson back. A novice might shut down a student’s tangent by asserting it is off topic and plow ahead. A veteran will try to “go with” the student—receive the idea and use it to reach the next planned point. Rejecting a student’s line of thought may cause them to close up; a teacher who allows self-expression will likely gain an engaged participant. To leverage student remarks, the teacher needs broad general knowledge to connect the student’s idea to the lesson’s next idea or topic—requiring flexible thinking and acceptance of students’ thought processes as legitimate.

As part of the practicum, we each had to deliver a “demonstration lesson,” like an audition, with the practicum instructor observing. Other lessons we taught were observed by the regular classroom teacher or, at times, by no one. I watched my peers’ demonstration lessons and spoke with them afterward to focus on the cognitive processes they experienced.

Y., an English trainee, prepared a well-designed lesson on “crime.” She brought a short text and had many activities ready—prepared for anything. The worst happened: the class did not cooperate. To run a lesson you need an audience—responses and full engagement. The students’ attention was minimal, perhaps after PE or with a test looming—or both. These 9th-graders broke the basic teacher–student contract: they did not disrupt or act out; they simply sat quietly and refused to respond. Y. tried to coax them, asked guiding questions, but communication did not happen. Her last resort was writing: if they wouldn’t communicate aloud, perhaps they would silently. As her patience wore thin, she assigned a brief writing task and asked for volunteers to read. Some students who had written began to read, and with the blessed bell, Y. managed—if only briefly—to extract minimal communication. Afterward she told me, “They just weren’t there. Their heads were somewhere else. I tried four different tasks to wake them up, but they simply didn’t want to participate.” She left frustrated; the lesson she envisioned did not materialize. Yet she stayed composed, moving from task to task despite the non-communicative atmosphere. The writing task was not planned; it was a last-ditch idea. We cannot know whether the students engaged only because the bell was near, but I had the impression some truly wrote a sentence or two and, having written, decided to read. Not a full success, but after zero communication, it was an effective partial solution.

S., another trainee, prepared a simple lesson: Facebook. She introduced relevant vocabulary and aimed for discussion. The 8th-grade class was very communicative that morning, and the topic was close to their hearts. A show of hands at the start revealed that every student had Facebook. It was clear the lesson would be a success. S., who had prepared several activities, did not reach most of them; the lesson evolved into a lively dialogue between teacher and students and among students themselves. She asked: Should she join Facebook? What’s good and bad about it? Personal stories from their feeds? What can you do on Facebook? Is a Facebook friend better than a real-life friend? And many more guiding questions that allowed 8th-graders, in English, at 8:30 a.m., to express themselves. S. treated every response with patience and seriousness and tried to include everyone. Students added observations from their own perspectives, and you could see their English improving simply through practice talking about something that interested them. S. left very pleased. She had barely used her prepared activities, but she felt connected to the class and that her message came across. She made a sound decision in choosing the topic: she guessed most of the class had Facebook and would be interested; she did not expect all of them to have it.

M., another trainee, taught a lesson on “volunteering” to 10th-graders. Two girls were especially active—there’s a backstory. A week earlier, in the staff smoking room, I heard a teacher describe a fight between two girls in 10th grade. The girls were cousins from the same family, and a youthful conflict had escalated into violence. The smoking room is where teachers feel comfortable sharing gossip and crucial information about the school—things you don’t always hear in the main staff room. Back to the lesson: as M. asked a student’s name, I realized these were the cousins. They were not participating so much as engaging in a mutual argument. M. of course had no idea about the feud and, inadvertently, fanned the flames. The debate was whether youth-movement leadership counts as volunteering. M. herself didn’t know the answer—leaders are unpaid, but participants pay dues—so she explored the concept with them, asking why they thought as they did. Voices rose; some insults flew, but M. kept asking guiding questions about their disagreement. Eventually the girls tired of M., who was “interfering” with their fight. They cooperated with her only to fight one another; the other students knew about the feud and gave them a stage. When I later told M. what I knew, she laughed and immediately understood. She said she was happy the girls participated and tried to let them express themselves. The missing information might have hindered her; had she known, she might have silenced them. Yet she used their “scouts” example—unplanned—to develop the lesson’s concept of volunteering. After that, the girls fell silent and did not participate. On the one hand, M. was indifferent to their feelings—they sought to vent, and she focused only on content. On the other hand, that indifference allowed her to run a smooth, professional lesson.

A., another trainee, taught “Places in Israel” to 8th-graders. She designed multiple activities around a unit in the textbook and counted on students’ general knowledge of Israeli geography. The class cooperated. She had trivia-style cards: on one side a photo of a place, on the other four possible names (one correct). Students took turns; some recognized places, others guessed right. A. drew a blank map of Israel on the board and marked each place as it was named. The lesson flowed; most students participated. She then asked students which places they had visited and what they did there. A. let students share, essentially telling something about themselves through where they had been and what they had done. Later she and the students read ads in English for tourist attractions around Israel. A. wove in details she had heard from the students, matching students to ads—e.g., a student who visited Jerusalem to an ad for a guided tour there. The personal information helped her reach more students and tailor content. In teacher–class relations, it is important for the teacher to know individual details about students—hobbies and interests can help engage everyone and sustain attention. At the start, we put name tags on students; A. could call on each by name, boosting motivation. Name tags supported that personal connection; often practicum lessons are taught without knowing names, and the personal bond is lost.

M., a veteran teacher at the school, was one we observed. She knows how to run a lesson, sense the class’s mood, and adapt. I watched her with various grades; I’ll use an 11th-grade example. She told students about a radio program she had heard that morning. She asked who listens to the radio in the morning; the iPhone generation looked puzzled—who listens to radio nowadays? She continued, described the program, and asked their opinion on the topic: Japanese scientists had succeeded in producing fuel from seaweed. The broader topic was global warming and the quest for clean alternative fuels. The rest of the lesson was routine: reading a text, answering questions, writing short paragraphs. Transitions between segments were seamless, thanks to her elegant entry via the radio story. After class, M. told me it had all been planned; the students “swallowed the bait.” She is the sort of teacher with a short fuse who prefers to stay fully in control: “You have to know when to loosen the reins,” she said, as if the class were horses. She has her methods and stock phrases. She is razor-sharp; no student gets off easily. The students were disciplined and accepted her authority. But M. seemed worn down—tired of the “game.” So much control that she no longer knows when to let go. Her decision-making system is so automatic that she is no longer deciding so much as executing pre-set outcomes. As a student-observer I believed every word about the radio and the environment, but once I learned it was staged, I felt deceived. Do students sometimes feel deceived when a teacher treats them not as mature learners but as a herd to be fed knowledge? Can students sense when a teacher is not being straight with them? M.’s example illustrates an aspect of veteran knowledge one might prefer not to acquire: decision making can become a burden once it turns into an integral, automatic system.

Two final examples are my own—but first a small episode at the start of one of my lessons (not those described below). L., a school teacher, was observing. I thought it might be refreshing if students sat wherever they liked, perhaps even switching seats at the beginning. Interesting idea, problematic execution. I began the lesson and, in English, suggested that the 8th-graders each move to a different seat. Because it was among my first utterances, most did not hear me—and that was fortunate. L. alone heard my foolish suggestion, sprang up, and motioned firmly not to do it. Her look was alarmed; her silence was loud: do not move anyone. The lesson proceeded with students in place. I soon realized how poor the idea was—not only because I lacked information about the students, but because they and the teacher had fought hard over the year to seat each student in the best place for them. I asked L. afterward what went through her mind when she heard me. She said that before I finished the sentence she saw chaos: a year’s hard work to assign seats that minimize misbehavior unraveling before her eyes. Her decision-making system flashed a red line about to be crossed; an emergency requiring immediate action.

A. (me) taught a 9th-grade lesson on “crime,” coordinated with a detective story in the textbook. The class had not yet started the unit. I drew two intersecting circles and asked who commits crimes and who prevents them. Students said “criminals” and “police,” and I wrote those in the circles. Around them I drew a larger circle labeled “law,” since both criminals and police operate within a legal framework. Then I drew another circle cutting across the two from above and asked who belongs there. In my original plan, this was the “detective”—not a regular police officer, sometimes chased by the police, acting partly as cop and partly as lawbreaker. But seeing students’ expressions signaled they weren’t enthused. I searched for another angle. I noticed a cartoon figure on a student’s T-shirt, and remembered superheroes—who also belong in that upper circle with detectives. We shifted into an animated discussion about superheroes and their traits. Students spoke eagerly (in English) about their favorites. Classics like Batman, Spider-Man, and Superman came up, followed by characters less familiar to me, but I grasped the idea. The class became engaged and remained so when we transitioned to detectives and the textbook text. Sometimes you need to deviate a bit to breathe life into the topic. After class, G., the classroom teacher, was enthusiastic about precisely that pivot and said it was an excellent lesson. The initial condition prompting the detour was my awareness that students were not connecting; it was late, they were tired. I preferred to find an energizing entry rather than plod through a dull session—and in a moment found myself discussing superheroes and their relation to crime and policing. I enjoyed teaching it; I felt attuned to the class and that I read the room well.

My demonstration lesson, also mine, was based on a story in the 8th-grade textbook, observed by L. and the practicum instructor. It followed A.’s lesson, so students still wore name tags. The story was about a family shipwrecked on a deserted island. The lesson topic was “life on a deserted island.” I opened by asking if anyone had ever been on a deserted island. Then I asked each student what they would take with them, and what one must do to survive. Each student shared what mattered to them and suggested survival ideas. From their ideas I wrote relevant keywords on the board—many of which appeared in the story—so that when we got to the text, the words were already familiar. Sometimes I translated or adjusted a student’s Hebrew word. Most of the story’s vocabulary ended up on the board; students even used those words. The class proceeded with enjoyment—mine and theirs. They cooperated in reading and answering questions, encouraged by the comfortable opening dialogue. Beginning with cold reading often leads to boredom for students—and sometimes for the teacher as well.

These nine cases show how a teacher’s conduct in class depends on far more than theoretical knowledge. The teacher runs a class while attuned to multiple layers of student life and must be sharp enough to notice cues in time and find appropriate solutions. To explain what veteran teachers seem able to do that novices struggle with, I turn to two additional concepts that emerge from the theoretical discussion: tact and atmosphere. Tact is sensitivity to situations—akin to intuition. Social tact is the ability to grasp another’s situation and act according to accepted, non-formal norms. Social tact varies across cultures. Pedagogical tact is the same sensitivity, operating within the tighter norms of classroom and school culture. Schools have distinct cultures, and novices must acquire the norms practiced within school walls.

Atmosphere or climate—at the school or classroom level—can determine lessons’ trajectories. Failing to notice shifts in student behavior or a noisier/quieter mood can trip up a lesson. To be a teacher is to be part of the school: to sense it, understand students’ general temperament, and try to belong. A teacher who keeps too much distance will struggle to internalize the school culture.

Gadamer[4] is one scholar who discusses tact. He distinguishes between social and pedagogical tact: social tact is sensitivity to social situations; pedagogical tact is an intuitive capacity to judge—acting intuitively according to the situation. For Gadamer, tact implies a certain flexibility of thought. It appears as a sensitive response to situations that demand action when no general rules are available. Tact is not a theoretical body of knowledge or a describable set of skills but habits and patterns acquired through experience. Its activity is to analyze and clarify what is happening with students—to try to understand their experience in learning and act appropriately. Tact is a pragmatic tool acquired like any component of language. It is the outcome of the “for and against” deliberations that reflection performs before decisions. Tact is the right decision emerging from the intuition that “this is what should be done now.” Tact is the additional thing the veteran knows and the novice lacks. Behind pedagogical tact stand norms that must first be known before one can act by them; that acquaintance happens during induction—when you are already employed and have a class of your own. It is hard to “teach” the logic of tact without living it. Only after acquiring it can a teacher become an integral part of the school.

In fact, a person does not truly become a teacher until they have acquired tact. As the saying goes: “You are not a teacher until you are a teacher.” One is not the real thing until one undergoes the training in which the profession’s habits are truly learned. The most important of these is tact. It is what the veteran possesses and the novice has yet to acquire. As the examples show, both L. and M. have pedagogical tact—though with different approaches—demonstrated in their professional sensitivity to what unfolds in class. As for the trainees (myself included), our lessons may have gone well, but we clearly lacked pedagogical tact. We tried to rely on social tact to make sense of events; our results owed more to luck than tact. Through such attempts we received hints of the tact we will need, but it is premature to say we have acquired it, even partially.

Training a teacher is like teaching a language. To be a teacher is to speak the language of school and act according to its culture. In the teaching certificate program, students learn this language without yet speaking it. As a language-teaching trainee, I can attest that learning a language’s components without concrete use does not yield functional communication. Pragmatic tools like tact enable the teacher to become an instructional figure who communicates with students. After acquiring tact, the teacher can make decisions smoothly and well. As with spoken languages, mastery requires practice and continual expansion; so too with pedagogical competencies—experience and rehearsal sharpen attention to detail and strengthen the reflective capacity to analyze events.

Teacher training and the acquisition of teaching skills are not entirely novel learning; components like tact can be viewed as recollection. Every teacher was once a student; they already knew, from the other side, the logic of pedagogical tact. A student who spends twelve years in school inevitably absorbs its pragmatic norms—albeit via the student’s perspective, not the teacher’s. Students also learn to read the school’s climate and their class’s atmosphere through personal acquaintance and sensitivity to what happens around them. When teachers train, they learn new things about being a teacher, but in tact and climate-reading they are, to an extent, remembering.

To conclude: the teaching certificate program does not and cannot fully equip a teacher with every tool needed to become a teacher. It cultivates theoretical analysis and familiarity with pedagogical research more than the “how-to” of doing. Perhaps it could be otherwise—perhaps one might teach first and complete the certificate after a few years (as some do). The certificate program strives to expose trainees to school life and to bring them into the work cycle as early as possible, aware that the crucial part of their knowledge is yet to be acquired. That said, within the program I took this seminar, read what I read, and learned what I have written here—precisely about that additional component that is not taught directly. And still, I arrived at these conclusions and became familiar with these concepts—even if some remain only theoretical for me, since I am not yet a practicing teacher. The current framework allows a gradual, smoother entry into the education system—rather than being “thrown into the water.” A first year of teaching without the preparation the certificate offers can be hard and confusing. The certificate enables teachers to understand their role before entering the system. Entering with this broad knowledge eases the absorption of the school’s language and culture.

References

  1. Schön, D. (1983). The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action. London: Temple Smith.
  2. Freeman, D. (1989). Teacher Training, Development, and Decision Making: A Model of Teaching and Related Strategies for Language Teacher Education. TESOL Quarterly, 23(1), March 1989.
  3. Westerman, D. A. (1991). Expert and Novice Teacher Decision Making. Journal of Teacher Education, 42, 292. https://doi.org/10.1177/002248719104200407
  4. Gadamer, H.-G. (1982). Truth and Method. (G. Barden & J. Cumming, Trans.) from the 2nd ed. (1965). New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company.

Gorgias to Plato – Guided Reading C

 

Gorgias to Plato – Guided Reading C



The Apology, Socrates’ defense speech, describes the trial held against him by the citizens of Athens on charges of corrupting the youth and denying the gods. Socrates, who is about to be sentenced to death, continues to stand firmly by his principles and argues for his righteousness. Even after his verdict is delivered, he does not regret the way he defended himself and continues to claim his innocence. In his trial, after calling Meletus to the witness stand, Socrates presents the position that a person should consider only whether his actions are just or unjust, and whether his conduct is that of a good man or a bad one, without weighing the dangers of life or death. His position is supported by ideas that arise in the dialogue Gorgias.

The dialogue Gorgias centers on the question of the knowledge of justice and the nature of rhetoric. It depicts the conversations of Polus and Callicles with Socrates at Gorgias’ house, beginning as an inquiry into the essence of rhetoric. After the opening exchange with Gorgias, the dialogue shifts into a discussion with Polus.

At the heart of his conversation with Polus, Socrates raises the position that committing injustice is worse than suffering it, and that failing to receive punishment is worse than facing it. This view places “the good” and “justice” as absolute ideals that we must strive toward — with “the good” as the ultimate purpose of our actions. Only in this way can we reach true happiness. “Socrates: … the wrongdoer is always more wretched than the one who suffers wrong, and he who escapes justice [is worse off] than he who receives it” (p. 327). This position contrasts with the sophistic claim presented by Polus at the beginning of the dialogue: that “the good” is not an ideal but something relative, changing according to circumstance. These conflicting views reflect the ancient debate between the Sophists and Socrates, especially regarding rhetoric, which was the domain of the Sophists. The rhetorician, whose main role is in matters of state and law, must — according to Socrates — act in accordance with the good and the just, to which all actions must be directed. If a rhetorician uses his position to weigh the balance between suffering wrong and committing wrong, and chooses to commit wrong in order to avoid suffering it, then such behavior, for Socrates, is contemptible.

This position grows out of Socrates’ claim that rhetoric is a form of flattery. He uses analogy between different domains to explain the nature of rhetoric in his philosophy. Rhetoric and judgment are parts of the art of governance: rhetoric, he says, is flattery, while judgment strives for justice. Alongside these, Socrates sets cooking and medicine as parts of the art of caring for the body: cooking is flattery, while medicine insists on health and balance. “Socrates: … I call that practice flattery … one of its parts is cookery … and another part of this same flattery I call rhetoric” (p. 300). The argument Socrates makes in the Apology corresponds precisely to these ideas about rhetoric.

“Are you not ashamed, Socrates, that you devote yourself to such a pursuit that now brings you to the danger of death?” (p. 221). In this part of the Apology, Socrates presents words that might have been spoken against him in relation to his conduct in the trial. He could have used rhetorical flattery to save his life. But Socrates would have been ashamed had he acted like those rhetoricians who adapt “truth” to circumstance and do not direct their actions toward the good and the just. He is willing to accept any sentence in order to give an account of himself, rather than avoid accountability and plead for a lighter punishment. He prefers to suffer the injustice of a death sentence than to commit injustice by bending the truth to avoid suffering. His judges and accusers expect him to act like any other man in his place — and especially like the Sophists — avoiding suffering and refusing to accept judgment. But this behavior is shameful in Socrates’ eyes, since it would mean committing injustice and betraying the truth.

At the end of the Gorgias, in his final exchange with Callicles, Callicles suggests the possibility that Socrates might be put on trial and condemned despite not having done wrong, by some wicked person. “How sure you are, it seems, that none of these things will ever happen to you … that you might not be dragged to court, perhaps by some villain …” (p. 385). Socrates draws an analogy between this imagined scenario and the trial of a physician in a court of children, with a cook as his accuser. The children, judging the physician’s deeds, would see that he gave them bitter-tasting medicine and performed unpleasant treatments, and would ignore his true contribution to health and balance. The physician could not defend himself in such a court, for the judges would not understand what guided his actions, and he would be unable to deny the accusations, since he had indeed done those things. In the same way, Socrates finds himself in a trial where his judges and accusers are guided not by the good but by what is pleasant. He has no way of speaking in his own defense: “… directed toward what is good and not what is most pleasant, and since I refuse to do what you praise … I will have nothing to say in court” (p. 385). For Socrates, the pursuit of the good is the true art of politics: “… I alone, I may say, am devoted to the true political art, and engage in public affairs with none of my contemporaries” (p. 385). His focus, however, inevitably puts him in conflict with the state. While his judges deal with the conventional matters of law, crime, and punishment, Socrates deals with the true affairs of the state — and these do not match the normative definitions. This conflict leaves him speechless before his judges.

Two criticisms are raised against Socrates. The first is that he cannot defend himself because of this very conflict over the definition of the good with the authorities. Socrates’ answer would be that he directs all his actions toward the good, and therefore has no need of defense. A person who does not act out of a striving for justice, however, will need defense — which is why his judges expect Socrates to defend himself. The rhetorician who prefers committing injustice over suffering it requires flattering rhetoric to justify this choice. There is, however, a rhetoric that is not flattery, a rhetoric under the art of governance, which is used not for political gain but for the sake of the good and the just. Yet such rhetoric can only exist in a state that itself defines the good in this way. Socrates cannot defend himself, because doing so would mean not aiming at the good but at his own survival — in other words, preferring to commit injustice rather than suffer it. Socrates claims that this is precisely why he avoids involvement in Athenian politics.

The second criticism is that if Socrates truly deals with the true affairs of the state, then he is obliged to engage — or at least intervene — in Athenian politics. If you are an expert in public affairs, you are duty-bound to practice politics. This criticism is harder for Socrates to answer, since it places him in a paradox. On the one hand, he is committed to directing his actions toward the good, and therefore refrains from Athenian politics. On the other hand, if he is indeed an expert, he is obligated to engage in politics in order to spread the good among the people and make Athens better.

Socrates ends the dialogue with a myth from Homer about the world after death. The story tells of the process through which the laws of the gods learned from their mistakes. In the past, human judges judged the dead at the moment of death, sending them to one of two afterworlds: the Isles of the Blessed (paradise) or Tartarus (hell). These judges sentenced the dead according to earthly data such as status or lineage. When the gods saw that people whose souls were stained with wrongdoing were reaching the Isles of the Blessed, they decided to change the system. Human judges were replaced by gods. From then on, people would be judged stripped of all earthly attributes, clinging only to their souls, which would be examined by the gods — for only they can see the soul and its purity. The lesson is clear: humans cannot judge a soul, for they are biased by external appearances and social status. In the end, the soul itself stands to the true test. No matter how much power or wealth you accumulate, in the end your soul will stand exposed before the gods, unable to defend itself.

The choice between committing injustice and suffering it may not be tested in daily life, where society usually gives the impression that suffering injustice is worse. Socrates, however, resists this belief, clings to the truth, and in his death stands against injustice and wrongdoing. He does not fear the verdict, knowing that his soul cannot be judged by human judges but only by the gods. This is the philosopher’s test: will he betray his ideal to avoid suffering in this fleeting life? If the soul is indeed immortal, as Socrates assumes, then choosing to live according to the good is unavoidable and must be the philosopher’s duty. The myth offers an optimistic perspective on the philosopher’s motivation: though it is only a myth, the ideal good that Socrates understood is the same thing that countless people everywhere and always strive toward. Whether they call it Allah, liberty, or bread, they are all aiming at the very same thing — the good and the just.




The conversation with Polus comes after Socrates’ initial inquiry with Gorgias about the nature of rhetoric. Socrates tries to direct the discussion toward his main concern: justice. After Polus and Gorgias attempt to define rhetoric as “the most pleasant of the arts,” Socrates begins comparing rhetoric to other arts. When asked himself about the essence of rhetoric, he replies that it is a kind of experience-based expertise in producing pleasure and delight — just as he defines cooking. The connection between the two, according to Socrates, lies not in the arts themselves but in their relation to greater arts from which they borrow their practices.

He relates cosmetics to gymnastics. Gymnastics, whose main goal is the improvement and balance of the body, produces as a by-product a fit and well-shaped body. Cosmetics takes this by-product and elevates it as the goal itself. Thus, as in our own time, the worship of a slim and beautiful body stems from judging appearance, rather than its original purpose: maintaining a healthy and balanced body. A similar relationship exists between rhetoric and governance. The true purpose of governance is to create justice among citizens. In The Republic, Socrates defines justice as harmony and balance between the classes. Like gymnastics, the political art has a harmonic aim, but its purpose has been eroded, becoming instead a by-product of rhetoric. Rhetoric does not aim at justice and political balance but sanctifies the beautiful, winning argument. For Socrates, however, the winning argument is not good unless it contributes to the state’s ultimate goal: harmony. Rhetoricians misuse the tools intended to preserve order in the state, justifying the deeds of wrongdoers for the sake of the victorious argument.

The analogy between cooking and rhetoric shows that both share the same aim: pleasure and enjoyment. While the cook’s purpose is to delight the diner, the physician’s purpose is to heal the patient. Medicine may taste bitter in the short term but leads to health and long life. It is easier, however, to prefer the chef over the doctor: the chef creates special and tasty dishes, often at the expense of the eater’s health (animal fats make food delicious), while the doctor attempts to restore balance to the patient’s body (dieting, treatment) without concern for immediate pleasure.

In the same way, rhetoric uses argumentation to prove claims that are not necessarily just, aiming only at victory, regardless of the injustice caused to a citizen who loses his wealth or freedom in court to a rhetorician. Judgment, on the other hand, seeks to decide between justice and injustice, aiming to create true justice in the state — and therefore will reject arguments that bring about injustice.

יום רביעי, 18 ביוני 2025

Academic Democracy: A Detailed Vision for a Knowledge-Governed Society

Introduction

In today’s chaotic political climate—where misinformation spreads faster than facts, and populist waves threaten thoughtful governance—a new model is proposed: Academic Democracy. This system merges direct citizen voting with expert proposal-making, allowing the public to decide, but only after universities present carefully researched and peer-reviewed options.

Imagine this: instead of politicians offering vague promises, universities propose real, costed plans—like “A solar energy network to cut national power costs by 30%” or “A Mars probe to discover new water sources.” Citizens vote to approve or reject these clearly defined projects.




1. Historical Context and Theoretical Background

For centuries, governments have operated under three main systems:

  1. Representative Democracy: Citizens elect leaders. But these leaders may grow distant, corrupt, or swayed by lobbyists. Example: A senator votes against climate laws due to oil company pressure.
  2. Technocracy: Experts make decisions. But experts may ignore public values or needs. Example: Economists design perfect but unpopular austerity policies, causing social unrest.
  3. Direct Democracy: Citizens vote directly. But complex issues get oversimplified. Example: Brexit—a referendum where voters lacked clear, truthful information.

Academic Democracy blends these models. Universities create plans; citizens approve or reject them. Knowledge leads—but remains accountable to the public.

Philosophical Grounding:

  • Plato wanted philosopher-kings. This system splits the philosopher and the king: universities propose; the people dispose.
  • Dewey believed democracy requires education. Here, education is built into the system—citizens are informed before every vote.
  • Foucault warned that knowledge is power. In this model, no single university holds power—all ideas are peer-reviewed and publicly debated.

2. Structure of Academic Governance

In this model:

  • Every city’s university replaces its local government. Paris University manages Parisian proposals; Tokyo University serves Tokyo.
  • Universities may compete (to have their ideas accepted globally) or cooperate (joint projects, like a global climate strategy).
  • A World Academic Council (WAC) exists to handle planetary-scale issues: climate policy, space exploration, pandemics.

Example:
Paris University and New York University co-design a “Universal Internet Access” plan. They share research, costs, and submit a joint proposal for global citizen voting.

Funding:

  • Paid from taxes, like governments.
  • Extra bonuses if their ideas win global approval.
  • To avoid corruption: annual independent audits by other universities.

3. The Voting Mechanism

Citizens do not vote for politicians—but for ideas.

How?

  • On secure mobile apps or city voting centers.
  • Verified with fingerprints, retina scans, or ID chips.

Example Voting Choices:

  • "Do you approve Paris University’s plan for free city-wide public transport by 2030 (expected 25% tax increase)?"
  • "Do you support Tokyo University’s Mars colony resupply mission (risk level: high; cost: $40 billion)?"

Before voting:

  • Citizens receive short videos, data dashboards, and counter-arguments from other universities.
  • Example: Tel Aviv University criticizes Paris University’s transport plan as "too expensive with low emission benefits"—their analysis also appears before the vote.

Voting Scope:

  • Local issues (city housing plans) voted by city residents.
  • Global issues (Mars colony funding) voted by the whole planet.

4. Balance of Expertise and Popular Will

Problem: Experts may propose the necessary—but unpopular.

Example Conflict:

  • Scientists propose banning gasoline cars by 2035 to halt climate change. Public objects: “Too costly! Hurts jobs!”

Solutions in the System:

  • Red Flag Veto: A 2/3 majority of world universities can block suicidal public decisions—but can be overridden by a 75% citizen supermajority.
  • Continuous Education: Citizens receive monthly "Idea Briefs" explaining big issues (e.g., why clean energy matters), improving public understanding over time.



5. Ethical and Social Concerns

Risks:

  1. Elitism: Universities becoming an untouchable class.
    • Solution: Any citizen may submit an idea (crowd proposals); universities must review and reply.
    • Example: A rural farmer suggests an irrigation improvement idea—Tel Aviv University refines and proposes it globally.
  2. Manipulation: Universities offering “pleasing but empty” ideas to get votes.
    • Solution: Mandatory counter-analysis by rival universities, public disclosure of all data and assumptions.
  3. Minorities Ignored:
    • Solution: Special Minority Advocacy Universities propose and protect cultural rights.
    • Example: An indigenous rights university blocks harmful forest exploitation plans.

6. Global Problem-Solving Potential

Faster, better global action:

  • Climate Change: A single planetary carbon policy—proposed by top environmental universities, voted globally.
  • Mars Missions: Space universities pitch joint plans for Mars colonies—Earth votes.
  • Wealth Gap: Economic universities test different income tax models in sample cities, proving results before scaling globally.

Example:
Singapore University’s "Robot Caregivers for the Elderly" pilot succeeds locally—global vote spreads it worldwide.


7. Human Psychology and Public Behavior

People misunderstand risk, probability, or long-term consequences.

Solutions:

  • Every proposal includes risk charts, outcome simulations, and clear statistics.
  • Citizen Learning Hubs offer free lessons in data literacy.
  • Debates hosted by universities, televised and online.

Example: Before a Mars colonization vote, voters see a video: "50% chance of mission success, 20% fatality risk, $50 billion cost"—not vague slogans.


8. Possible Futures: Utopia or Dystopia?

Best Case:

  • Educated citizens.
  • Transparent ideas.
  • Fast, wise solutions to climate, disease, poverty.
  • Peaceful space expansion.

Worst Case:

  • Universities trick voters with flashy but empty ideas ("Mars Casino Colony!").
  • Global mob rule on science-based decisions.
  • Data corruption or hacking.

9. Fictional Story Examples (from your Mars narrative)

  • Paris University wins approval for an anti-aging drug; boosts lifespan by 10 years.
  • Tokyo University loses after proposing dangerous asteroid mining—public votes down the risk.
  • The Mars Incident: Earth’s universities detect a lost Mars ship—public splits over rescue or abandon decision.
    • Tel Aviv University proposes peaceful contact.
    • Boston University suggests a drone investigation.
    • Citizens decide Earth’s response—shaping future space diplomacy.

Academic Democracy may be the final step before fully automated governance—or just the next experiment in humanity’s search for order.

Its strength: Ideas—not people—hold power.
Its danger: Can the public stay wise enough to wield this power well?

In a world run by ideas, only an educated, critical, informed public can save or doom the system.


Conclusion

Academic Democracy replaces kings and politicians with scholars and citizens. It merges expertise with public will, theory with practice, data with dreams.

A system where the best ideas win—not the loudest slogans.


יום שלישי, 29 באפריל 2025

After the Last Parliament

A fleet of 66 pioneers lands on Mars in 2063—only to vanish into eerie silence. On Earth, universities run the world through endless, Netflix-style policy videos and citizen voting, but dark forces at the heart of the system—bot-driven ballots and a hidden AI “Codex”—threaten to hijack democracy. Professor Zeev Shalev, communicator Talia Lev, technician Kilik Barak, strategist David Amar, and the astronauts Noam Harari and his brother Eli Amar must unravel political intrigue, broken algorithms, and human ambition to reconnect two worlds and decide once and for all whether true democracy can survive. 




Chapter 1 – Professor Zeev Shalev

Professor Zeev Shalev had always believed ideas were more powerful than armies.

That belief had guided him from his early lectures in moral philosophy to his current position as Head of Global Ethics at the Jerusalem University. Now, standing before a panoramic window in his office overlooking the olive-strewn hills outside the city, he wondered whether ideas alone could save the world from silence.

Sixteen days. No contact.

Sixty-six human beings had vanished behind a thin veil of Martian atmosphere. The first colony ship, Red Horizon, should’ve sent back its landing report within minutes. Instead, Earth had heard nothing but static.

And now, the world was watching its universities for answers.

Shalev turned toward his desk, where a notification pulsed on the surface of the glass. Netflix Civic—the official media partner for global policy dissemination—had just uploaded the latest debate footage. Two proposals from rival university think tanks were in pre-release status: one from Berlin, suggesting a full-scale robotic rescue mission; another from Cairo, calling for total communication lockdown until further data emerged. Both videos would go live in three hours, after which citizens would vote—privately, securely, and instantly.

There hadn’t been a “voting day” in over a decade.



People voted every day. Every hour, even. They were paid for it—tokens, credit, or learning vouchers. In exchange, they watched arguments and simulations crafted by professors like Shalev, filmed in ultra-definition with interactive charts, holographic reenactments, and even dramatizations voiced by AI actors. It was democracy by streaming—data-driven, academic, constant.

And he had once been proud of it.

But something now felt… fragile.

He opened the system logs from the Tel Aviv University servers. Probe telemetry. Route adjustments. A strange data spike had rerouted one of the primary Mars probes toward the last known coordinates of the Red Horizon. No approval. No vote. Just a sudden change.

The access signature? K. Barak.

Shalev’s breath caught.

Kilik Barak.

He hadn’t thought of the boy in years. A quiet student, always in the back of the lecture hall. Not flashy, not political—but sharp. Unnervingly so. He’d submitted a paper in Shalev’s 2058 seminar titled “The Algorithm of Power: Who Guards the Voting Machine?” It argued that the integrity of an academic democracy wouldn’t be challenged by ideology—but by infrastructure. The janitors of the system, the unseen technicians, held more power than anyone realized.

At the time, Shalev had dismissed it as poetic paranoia.

Now, Kilik’s name had surfaced in a critical probe control override.

Coincidence? Or something else?

A soft knock pulled him from his thoughts. A young assistant leaned in, tablet in hand.

“Professor,” she said, “The Global Council is convening in two hours. They want your ethics analysis ready before then.”

Shalev nodded slowly, still staring at the access log. “Prepare a side report,” he said, “On who touched the Tel Aviv probe systems in the last twenty-four hours. Use internal access only. No network.”

The assistant blinked. “Yes, Professor.”

Alone again, he sank into his chair. The world had traded flags for faculties, parliaments for platforms, and presidents for professors. It had worked, more or less. Ideas, not egos. Evidence, not emotion.

But maybe Kilik had been right. Maybe the biggest threat wasn’t who chose the future—but who coded the ballot.

And now, the system might be telling him: one of his old students just voted… without permission.

Chapter 2: The Voice Between Worlds

Perspective: Talia Lev

Talia Lev stood alone in Studio 6B of the Jerusalem University Media Dome, surrounded by the ghostly hum of lighting rigs and the silent gaze of camera lenses. Her eyes moved across the script displayed on the teleprompter—carefully crafted, emotionally weighted, but still too clean. Too safe.



Outside the studio’s glass wall, the golden hills of Judea stretched like the ancient folds of a story still being written. But her thoughts were elsewhere—locked on the red dust of Mars.

“They’re alive,” she whispered, barely audibly.

The words had rippled across the networks just hours ago, breaking through the cold silence of space via a fractured probe transmission. Motion. Heat signatures. Human-shaped movement near the wreck of the Acheron. The first Mars colony mission had not ended in death after all. But then came the blow—contact lost again. Violently. As if someone—or something—had rejected the outside world.

She sat, exhaling. Sixty-six people. A world’s hope scattered across the Martian dust. And now? Fear.

Her cue light blinked. The studio was ready. Talia took a breath, straightened her back, and walked into the center of the circular stage. Screens behind her displayed split shots of the Earth and Mars, stylized schematics of the Acheron ship, archival footage of the crew selection lottery.

Her voice opened the segment.

“When the Academic Democracy began in 2045, it promised a world led not by ambition, but by knowledge. Universities replaced governments. Proposals replaced campaigns. And you—our citizens—became the voice of power.”

“Now, in 2063, we face our greatest moment of uncertainty. The Acheron—our first attempt to touch another planet not with conquest, but with collaboration—has gone silent again. And yet, we know: there is life. Human life. Our own.”

The words flowed from her lips with practiced control, but her chest burned. Behind her, a mosaic of crew portraits faded in—sixty-six faces from every continent, every background. Scientists, poets, doctors, historians. She paused when Noam Amar’s face hovered just slightly longer on screen.

Talia remembered him clearly. The quiet brilliance. The impossibly young astrophysicist who once told her during an interview, “Mars won’t change us. It will reflect us.”

She had laughed then. She wasn’t laughing now.

“You are watching this because you have power. Over the next 24 hours, your vote will determine our next step: Do we attempt immediate communication? Do we prepare a rescue? Do we wait, observe, study? The choice, as always, is yours.”

As she signed off the segment, her image faded and the interactive overlay took over. Citizens would be paid to watch, to vote, to participate in what had once been called “governance,” now simply called “process.”

She walked off stage, her face stone, her stomach churning.

Back in her private studio hub, she opened a locked message. A private note from Professor Zeev Shalev, encrypted under shared credentials from the early years of the system’s founding.

Z.S.: “Talia, something’s off. I want you to look into the voting behavior metrics this time. There’s a strange delay pattern in Tel Aviv’s data stream. Not technical. Human.”

Talia stared at the message, brows narrowing. Tel Aviv—the city with the most advanced data infrastructure. And where the master technician was none other than Kilik Barak, former student of Shalev, and notoriously quiet genius.

Her fingers hovered over her own encrypted response, but she paused.

For the first time in years, she felt something akin to fear—an ancient, analog emotion.

Something was happening beneath the surface of democracy. And it wasn’t just on Mars.

Chapter 3 – The Technician

Kilik Barak always preferred the server rooms. They were quiet, cool, and most importantly—predictable. When he spoke to machines, they always answered with logic. Not like people.

He sat on the third sublevel of Tel Aviv University, in a reinforced data chamber humming with activity. Above him, the city rumbled with debate over the Mars situation. Below him, thousands of terabytes of incoming data flooded in from around the world.

The probe had reached Mars that morning. The footage was inconclusive—brief, shaky, eerie. Shadows moved, something struck the camera, and the signal was lost. Again. The second silence.

And again, the universities had responded swiftly. Within an hour, two videos had appeared on the Netflix Governance Grid, a sleek black interface used by nearly every adult on Earth. One video—filmed by a team at Tokyo University—argued for a cautious approach: wait, scan, observe. The second, more dramatic, from New York University, proposed immediate contact with the survivors—if they were truly still alive.

Kilik had watched both out of habit, but he didn’t vote. Not yet.

He had other things to worry about.



Ever since the Mars vote opened, the system was acting strange. It wasn’t crashing—nothing that obvious. But something in the voting patterns smelled off. Too efficient. Too synchronized.

He ran a pattern script he had written years ago, one he used in his old courses with Professor Shalev. It looked for echo behavior—clusters of votes that acted as one, too fast, too uniform.

The results came back and chilled him.

"Echo Class 9: Non-human voting signature detected."

He blinked. “No way.”
Class 9 was the highest alert—reserved for bot behavior that mimicked human voting patterns too well to be accidental. Someone—or something—was hijacking the vote.

Kilik leaned back. “Is this the Codex?” he whispered.

It had started as a rumor. A black AI so advanced it could make better decisions than any human. Old tech forums talked about it like a ghost. A mind born from algorithms, hidden in decentralized networks, learning from every vote cast.

People said it could read every governance video, every proposal, every emotional response—and decide, instantly, what to do. Some believed it was a myth. Others said it had already taken over half the votes in rural districts. Kilik had laughed at the idea. Until now.

His hand trembled slightly. Then, he ran another script.

Searching for Codex markers... IP 66.127.9.23 flagged.

Marker match: Personal whitelist – Noam Amar.

He froze.
That name. He hadn’t heard it in a long time.

Noam Amar—his closest friend during his university days. A quiet, brilliant systems designer with strange ideas and an even stranger sense of humor. They had built voting sandbox models together. Tested behavioral engines. Played games with simulated democracies. He’d disappeared months before the Mars selection lottery.

And then he was chosen.

One of the 66.

And now this flagged IP... from Mars?

Kilik stared at the screen, heart pounding. He opened the signal metadata. There, buried in the packet header, was a tag only Noam would use: "EchoZebra17"—a code they used as a joke back in school.

This was real.

Noam had sent the probe a signal. A custom reply.

And the probe had transmitted it back before the feed was lost again.

Kilik leaned forward. “He’s alive.”

And he’s telling me something.


Chapter 4 – David

David Amar didn’t sleep. Not in the usual way, anyway. For the past three nights, he’d drifted between shallow, uneasy dozes and long stares at the city lights. Tel Aviv was too quiet now, too organized. It hadn’t always been like this. Back when his brother Eli was still on Earth, everything had a pulse.

The moment the vote passed and the probes launched toward Mars, something cracked open inside him. He wasn’t one for public speaking, or politics, or even media—he mostly fixed things. Things other people broke. But the 66 weren’t just names on a mission manifest. One of them was Eli. His brother. His blood. The one who made him laugh even when their parents divorced, who built rockets with him on the roof when they were kids. Who got picked in the lottery, and smiled at David like it was a gift.

Now Eli was lost. Or maybe not.

The media was buzzing. Probe 7 lost contact after approaching the Martian crash zone. Survivors may be alive. But no one could say for sure. And David couldn't wait. He wasn’t a scientist or professor or technician, but he knew how systems worked. And more importantly, he knew how people broke them.

He swiped open a private channel—encrypted, hidden. Only one person had the key. Kilik.

"You saw it too?"

The reply came instantly.

"Yeah. Same server signature. The one Eli used. This isn't over."

David closed his eyes. The old code. The one they used to use in gaming servers as teens. Eli had used it in the message the probe picked up from Mars. Something that meant: “I’m alive. Come get me. Don’t trust anyone else.”

David leaned back and opened a data stream from the Amsterdam Archives. The last launch logs. He started cross-referencing survivor roles—engineers, medics, political figures. Most of them were young. Chosen by random selection, yes—but with clear genetic health markers, language versatility, and mental resilience.

Eli wasn’t just lucky. He fit the pattern. And maybe, just maybe, he had a plan.

David was going to find him. But he couldn’t do it alone.

He tapped a few lines into his system, opened a secure voice link.

“Talia? I need your help.”

She paused before answering.

“You always hated what I do.”

“I still do,” he said. “But you’re the only one who sees past the script.”

She sighed. “What are you really trying to do?”

“Find my brother. And maybe… find out why he wanted to disappear.”


Chapter 5 – Noam Harari: Dust and Silence

Noam Harari had never heard silence like this before.

Even inside his helmet, sealed against the thin Martian air, the silence pressed on him with a strange gravity. Earth had noise—even in its quiet moments. Mars had none. Only the faint crackle of the comms, still useless. Still void.

“Day sixteen since touchdown. Zero signal to Earth. Life support stable. Rationing in place. No casualties since the storm.”

He tapped the log into his wristpad, voice low. Behind him, the remains of the communications rig still lay in a broken arc of solar panels and snapped cables. The dust storm that hit during descent hadn’t just knocked out contact—it had buried their hope of sending even a basic ping home.

They had been chosen—drawn—to represent the world. One person from each of sixty-six cities, selected by lottery, trained for two years in orbit, bonded in silence and sweat. Scientists, engineers, poets, politicians, teachers. A mosaic of humanity.

And they had brought with them not just food and data, but something else—The Codex.

It was never officially part of the mission. It had emerged in whispers. A growing philosophy within the crew: why return to Earth’s broken systems when you could start fresh? Here, on a planet that owed no allegiance, where no university governed policy, where no vote was needed to move forward. Just clarity, reason, and the Codex.

A few believed the Codex was dangerous—an escape from responsibility, from the weight of human nuance. But most... most were tired. Tired of watching their cities vote on taxes and streetlights and surgical protocols. Tired of the endless stream of videos, of civic credit, of “participatory burden.”

On Mars, they could be more. Or less. Or something entirely new.

That was why, when the first probe arrived—gleaming, insect-like, sent by the universities—panic had risen. Not fear of violence, but fear of pull. The probe meant Earth still had a claim. Earth still expected answers. Votes. Obedience.

So they destroyed it. Quietly. With shame, maybe—but also with resolve.

Noam sat now in what they jokingly called “The Round Hall”—a shallow dome of composite ceramic carved out of the red dirt. It was here that they had debated the idea of declaring independence. It was here the Codex had been read aloud, line by line, like scripture. And it was here they waited, wondering when the next probe would come—and whether it would come in peace.

He thought of David. Of Kilik. Of the professors in Tel Aviv and Berlin and Kyoto and Johannesburg, faces behind screens he used to watch daily, vote after vote. What would they think of him now? A traitor? A philosopher? A deserter?

And then, for the first time in weeks, his pad blinked.

One message.

Encrypted.

The address was familiar. It was the one he and Kilik used during their university hacking games. Noam opened it, breath held.

"Are you alive?"

Just three words.

He smiled.

Kilik found me. 

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